Is Islam To Blame for the Grooming Gangs? Part Two

When British Muslims attempt to raise the issue, they are ostracised. Oldham Council member Raja Miah was investigated by Greater Manchester Police, under Operation Hexagon, while speaking up about abuse in the town. Maajid Nawaz and Ed Hussain’s Quilliam Foundation was attacked by Qatar-funded Al Jazeera, and the Muslim Council of Britain — found in 2015 to have ties to the Muslim Brotherhood. Quilliam was closed down in 2021, “because nobody was listening.” In 2017, Quilliam published a report, stating that 84 percent of convicted rape gang members were “Asian”. Dr. Ella Cockbain claimed to have “debunked” this figure in 2021: writing gleefully in The Guardian that “research has found that group-based offenders are most commonly White. A powerful modern racial myth has been exploded.”

Cockbain has made a career of calling anyone who speaks about the ethnic and religious composition of the rape gangs “Far Right”.  However, in Cockbain’s own work, her sample showed “a clear majority [80 percent] of offenders — both on individual cases and overall — were of Pakistani heritage.” Even the Home Office paper that Cockbain uses to refute Quilliam’s claim cites a 2013 report, which found in “offenders across all groups, of the 306 offenders 75% were Asian.” The conclusion, that white men are the majority of CSE perpetrators, actually means that “Asian” men are three times more likely to commit child sex offences, per capita. But the ideological motives of the Home Office authors are betrayed by the fact that Cockbain is cited 30 times, but “Muslim” is only mentioned once — in relation to a report by the Muslim Women’s Network.

The most recent data from all 43 forces in England and Wales show that 13.7 percent of child sexual exploitation “grooming” offences in the first nine months of last year involved Pakistanis. This means they are four times more likely than white Brits to be convicted of child sex offences. In specific towns, it is 1 in every 280 Muslim males in Rochdale, one in every 126 in Telford, and in Rotherham, 1 in 16.

One need only look at the mugshots of convicted rape gangs in Rotherham last year to see the ethnic and religious composition of these gangs.

However, reporter Charlie Peters and police chiefs have cautioned that these new figures are likely to be higher, as they only covered 30 percent of suspects. Furthermore, the population estimates are based on the 2021 Census — taken before the Boriswave of annual record net migration, particularly from Pakistan. As Ehsan has urged, an emergency interim Census is needed to get accurate population figures.

Not only are cases vastly underreported too: in many cases, ethnicity of the perpetrator is not recorded. The IICSA recommendation to make reporting the ethnicity of perpetrators mandatory has become necessary, because the number of crimes where a convict’s ethnicity was not recorded has increased exponentially — particularly for child sex offences. (From 1-in-20, to 25 percent.)

(Both the mandatory ethnicity reporting and making failing to report child sexual abuse a criminal offence, which Cooper claimed credit for a fortnight ago, were already in the Conservatives’ Criminal Justice Bill, 2023, which Labour opposed, and which did not pass due to the general election.)

Given the sex of the convict is still recorded, it appears police officers are purposefully not reporting the ethnicity of offenders. This is what the 2022 Telford inquiry found: “there was a nervousness about race […] bordering on a reluctance [by police] to investigate crimes committed by what was described as the ‘Asian’ community”. A decade after the first high-profile convictions, political correctness still has a hold on the authorities.

But this sensitivity only goes one way. Racial hatred motivated the rape gangs too. Newcastle perpetrator Badrul Hussain, when caught travelling without a ticket on public transport, told the female ticket inspector, “All white women are only good for one thing. For men like me to … use like trash. That’s all women like you are worth”. Survivor Ella Hill has detailed how frequently she was denigrated a “white slag”, “white whore”, or “white c*nt.” Even police officers called the girls “little slags,” and said an “older Asian boyfriend” was a “fashion accessory” for girls in the Rotherham.

In 2013, Shabir Ahmed was convicted as the ringleader of a Rochdale rape gang. During his trial at Liverpool Crown Court, he insisted his prosecution was proof of a conspiracy against Muslims. He denied all charges, saying “It’s all white lies.” During proceedings, Ahmed launched into a number of anti-white rants:

“We are a civilised society. We are the supreme race, not these white b******s (pointing to police officers in court).”

He continued: “You will not get a CBE. You will not get an MBE. You will get a DM, a destroyer of Muslims. You were born one thousand years too late. You f***ed my community.. You destroyed my community and our children. None of us did that. White people trained those girls to be so much advanced in sex. They were coming without hesitation to Rochdale,Oldham, Bradford, Leeds and Nelson and wherever.”

He said the jury in Liverpool has been ‘taking instructions’ from BNP leader Nick Griffin and later pointed to Rachel Smith, who prosecuted both cases on behalf of the Crown, saying: “I curse you at night. I curse you and your family. You will understand (pointing at Judge Khokhar). I curse the juries. I curse the media and most of you b******s. Your family will get it. You have destroyed our community… Tony Blair, Gordon Brown, Maggie Thatcher. They are all the same. They’re all on the take. They (looking at the police) are on the take. It’s true. They are all bent b******s. It has to be taken by average people like you and I. They take all the money and we take all the weight. These (pointing at the police officers) were p****d on by Theresa May. May you be more p****d on.”

Ahmed smiled as he was sentenced.

Laura Wilson’s murder may be a useful case study for those still struggling to comprehend the racial and religious motive of these gangs. Wilson was stabbed to death and dumped in a canal by 17-year-old Ashtiaq Asghar, whose parents racially berated her when they found out. The day before her death, Ashitaq texted 22-year-old Ishaq Hussain, the Wilson’s four-month-old child, “gonna send that kuffar b*tch straight to Hell”. At Asghar’s sentencing, the judge said Hussain has indoctrinated him “into [a] mindset [which] regarded girls, white girls, simply as sexual targets”. Wilson’s sister, Sarah was raped aged 11 in a school playground aged 11. When her mother showed her phone to police officers, it contained the numbers of 177 “Asian” men. The police refused to investigate, and called Sarah’s abuse her “lifestyle choice”.

Wilson joins seven others as the known murder victims of these gangs. Lucy Lowe, 16, was burned to death by her rapist, along with her unborn child, Lowe’s sister, and her mother. The rapist then attempted to abduct the surviving child, conceived through rape. Victoria Agoglia, 15, was hooked on drugs by her abusers, and overdosed on heroin. Becky Watson, 13, was killed by Ahmed Nawaz by wrapping her around the hood of a car. And Charlene Downes, her body still not found after allegedly being minced and sold as kebab meat. Her suspected killers walked free when the jury failed to reach a verdict, and Lancashire Police were investigated for improper gathering of evidence. 

The deafening silence of other British Muslims on this scandal codes as an indifference to the abuse of these girls. As Ayaan Hirsi Ali observed on GB News,

“In the last 6 – 12 months, we have seen, in so many European cities, weekend after weekend, a 100,000 men strong who are opposed to and protesting against a geopolitical issue [in Palestine].

“But these grooming rape gangs, prevalent within these communities … Muslim men … If those communities are opposed to them, why are they not organising protests, distancing themselves?”

The handful of courageous British Muslims who risked their lives to raise awareness of this issue did not have the support of their community. The uncomfortable truth is that many in Muslim communities and Pakistani enclaves knew what their brothers, husbands, fathers, sons, and cousins were doing, and helped cover it up. Mohammed Shafiq, chief executive of the Ramadhan Foundation, whose three cousins were jailed as part of the Rotherham grooming gang trials, said that “The sad reality is that in the case of on-street gang grooming, there is an over-representation of Pakistani men”, but explained how “any of us who try to tackle this problem [are seen] as siding with the white ‘enemy’”.

“today a small, but significant, minority of Pakistani men think in precisely the same warped way the Hussain brothers did: that white women are fair game; that they are entitled to satisfy their desires in whatever way they see fit. …

The root cause lies in the British Pakistani community itself. The sad truth is that for years some British Pakistanis have deliberately buried their heads in the sand about these predatory grooming gangs. …

They weren’t ‘lone groomers’; misfits on the outskirts of our group. They were at its heart. …

And like all the other Pakistani grooming gangs I have investigated in the past nine years, they lived a double life — one tacitly supported by those close to them.”

This asabiyah — clannish mentality — of Britain’s Pakistani enclaves prevents word of the abuse from getting out. Whistleblowers are discouraged with the fear of bringing collective shame on their family and community. This is why, as the Muslim Women’s Network has identified, Muslim girls abused by their families are also silenced. It is also entrenched by the majority of Pakistanis in Britain being from from the Mirpur District in Azad Kashmir. When Professor Roger Ballard polled Pakistanis in 1987, he found 75 percent could trace their ancestry to the same 600 square miles. This is what Kemi Badenoch meant by saying perpetrators come from “sub-communities” and a “peasant background”.

This may also explain why the families of the rapists covered up their brothers, fathers, sons, and cousins’ crimes — and continue to stand by them, even when they are convicted. At a sentencing hearing in Rotherham in 2024, relatives of the rapists were “dead eyeing” a victim in court, with one instructing another to “slap the b***h” — causing National Crime Agency officers and court security to intervene. When child rapist Mohammed Siyab’s sentence was read out by the judge, one of his daughters cried out “I love you dad!” 

It appalls those of us in the Christian West, who think justice must be meted out regardless of religion on clan membership. But because of their ethnicity and perceived immodesty as non-Muslims, the rapists’ families have no sympathy for the victims. Yasmin Alibhai-Brown recorded how the wives of rape gang perpetrators described white girls as “Filthy. How they dress. They have no shame, no fear of Allah.” Last week, former Apprentice contestant Bushra Shaikh insinuated on X that the girls were somehow to blame for the rapes, by not being Muslim. 

It is undeniable that racial prejudice, Islamist indoctrination, and a clanish conspiracy of silence motivated the rape gangs and their continued cover-up. But rather than listen to victims, imams, or whistleblowers, the government instead is seeking to criminalise talking about the issue. 

Labour Health Secretary, Wes Streeting warned that “irresponsible and coarse public discourse” about the rape gangs could cause another mosque shooting, as occurred in Christchurch, New Zealand. He insisted that “people of Pakistani heritage in our country are equally sickened by these crimes” — a claim which doesn’t stand up to scrutiny. In 2019, Streting co-chaired the All Party Parliamentary Group on British Muslims, and produced the infamous definition of Islamophobia:

“Islamophobia is rooted in racism and is a type of racism that targets expressions of Muslimness or perceived Muslimness.”

This purposefully vague, self-referential definition includes among its examples:

“the issue of ‘grooming gangs’: […] clearly, it is aimed at (and can achieve) harm to individual Muslims, and is not rooted in any meaningful theological debate but rather in a racist attempt to ‘other’ Muslims in general,”

Hence why, of the 50 councils that have adopted the definition, Camden Council lists among the “symbols and images associated with classic Islamophobia […] to characterize Muslims as being ‘sex groomers’”. Other councils include Oxford, Newcastle, Manchester and Calderdale — all places where rape gangs have operated. Both Khan and Shah implemented this Islamophobia definition for the London Assembly in 2020 — allowing them to shut down members who raise the rape gang scandal.

Labour’s wilful blindness to the religious motivation and ethnic composition of the rape gangs is unsurprising. Four Labour MPs lost their seats to sectarian Gaza-first Muslim candidates in the 2024 general election. Cabinet ministers like Jess Phillips and Wes Streeting only retained theirs by slim margins. Labour’s refusal to allocate appropriate blame on Pakistani communities for committing and conspiring to cover-up these crimes is an act of craven self-preservation. 

Instead, they deny and dismiss that the problem is happening. Nadia Whittome MP said calls for a national inquiry are “deeply harmful and offensive political point scoring.” Likewise, John Slinger MP said “those who flirt with populism misuse sensitive and important issues.” 

When Philp declared at the despatch box a fortnight ago, “it is not far-right to stand up for victims of mass rape. […] and smearing people who raise those issues is exactly how this got covered up in the first place,” he was derided by Labour MPs, who interrupted with shouts of “Shame!” A week later, Philp made the same statement, “It is not far-right to stand up for rape victims,” and was heckled again. Both Sammy Wilson MP and Neil O’Brien MP were laughed at and interrupted during the national inquiry debate. Why Labour politicians think it is a good look to berate Philp is baffling. When asked to apologise for Starmer and her colleagues’ comments, Cooper refused.

The uncomfortable truth is that the rape gangs were a product of Islam. Any denial of this is in bad faith. As Dr. Hargey said, it is motivated by “securing, sustaining the Muslim-bloc vote.” This itself is an indictment of the Pakistani community: who are so febrile a client group for Labour, that their loyalty is contingent in keeping quiet about the rape of children. 

As Rupert Lowe said, all foreign and dual-nationals involved in covering up the gangs’ crimes should be deported. None yet have. If that means “whole communities”, then “so be it”. But the most revealing, sick joke of all came in the Foreign Office’s reply to Lowe’s request, that foreign aid and visas be leveraged to force Pakistan to repatriate their rapists:

“We recognise and appreciate the great contribution of Pakistani people to the diverse culture of the UK.”

The state seems set on denying the source of the problem, to uphold their ideological belief that “Diversity is our Strength.” It certainly is not the strength of the girls whose lives have been ruined and ended by these Muslim rape gangs.