Britain’s New State Religion

Three days too late for April Fools’, the BBC ran a headline, “Eid celebration ‘can be lonely’ for Muslim reverts”, by author Sahriqua Ahmed. If you click the link now, that has been stealth-edited to “Eid celebration ‘can be lonely’ for Muslim converts”, after they received complaints that the article framed belief in Islam as the starting point for human nature. The piece focused on Natalia Zaman, who converted in 2007, and lavished praise on Islamic charity New Muslim Circle, in Peterborough. Because Zaman was not born a Muslim, the use of “revert” implies that all Kuffar have strayed from man’s natural state: submitting to Allah, in adherence to Islamic doctrine. Dr Taj Hargey, imam at the Oxford Institute for British Islam and longstanding whistleblower on the Pakistani rape gangs, said the term “is used by Islamic fundamentalists in their propaganda that everyone is born Muslim … It is concerning that the BBC has chosen to use this divisive term that most Muslims would not use, only extremists and supremacists.”

If you were believing the state broadcaster — as a diminishing few do these days — you would be forgiven for thinking that Britain had become an Islamic country. One might blame this on the BBC’s disastrous diversity drives: prioritising the race, religion, gender identity, and sexuality of its staff over the veracity of their reporting in recent years. But they are far from the only institution to be signalling solidarity with sectarian Muslim interests. The Home Office, government, and even the Crown Estates have been ideologically captured by political Islam. What was once the domain of jokes by Vice President JD Vance, then sober warnings by former Home Secretary Suella Braverman MP, is now a defacto reality for His Majesty’s subjects.

On the 2nd of March, registered charity the Ramadan Tent Project occupied Windsor Castle with an Iftar, marking the start of Ramadan. The visitor operations director at Windsor Castle, Simon Maples, excused this by insisting King Charles has been “championing religious diversity and encouraging interfaith conversation” for years. Indeed, the Royal Family issued supportive messages to mark the start of Ramadan on March 30th; though were conspicuously silent in wishing Christians an observant Ash Wednesday and Lent. Likewise, Keir Starmer omitted wishing Britain’s mothers’ a happy Mothering Sunday; but whoever runs his X account made sure to post ‘Eid Mubarak’, on behalf of our first avowedly-atheist Prime Minister. One begins to see a pattern with the retreat of Christianity from British public life.

This wasn’t the only iftar held on hallowed ground. Ramadan Tent has partnered with Westminster Abbey, the House of Lords, Cambridge University, British Library, Royal Albert Hall, Victoria & Albert Museum, Shakespeare’s Globe, and Bradford and Coventry Cathedral — all buildings with historical ties to Britain’s monarchy and established Anglican church. The Palace of Westminster also hosted “the first Big Iftar in Parliament” this year, with Starmer and many Labour ministers attending. It should appall, but not shock us, since the MPs present have made appeasing Islam a priority.

Health Secretary and Brutus-in-waiting Wes Streeting helped draft the Islamophobia definition proposed by the All-Party Parliamentary Group on British Muslims, in 2019. The Labour party formally adopted the definition that year; with Deputy Prime Minister Angela Rayner attempting to implement it with an Islamophobia “advisory council” in the midst of the revived rape gangs scandal. Under her revised non-statutory definition, Sikhs, Hindus, and Buddhists can all be victims of “Islamophobia” if mistaken for a Muslim. Given the Muslim Brotherhood invented the phrase “Islamophobia” to act as a defacto blasphemy law, insulating Islamists from criticism, it appears the phrase is having the intended chilling effect.

Just like the planned sentencing guidance issued by the Sentencing Council, this is another granting of legal privileges to aggrieved minority interest groups, against white people, Christians, and Jews. The guidance was abandoned at the last minute, after Justice Secretary and Iftar attendee Shabana Mahmood MP threatened to legislate against it. However, Mahmood cannot claim credit, given she spent a week drafting her response, refused to support Robert Jenrick’s bill blocking the guidance, and neither she nor her representative in attendance at the drafting sessions raised any objections. One gets the impression that Mahmood does not oppose advantaging Muslims who commit crimes in principle, but only sensed the political cost of doing so was too great this time.

Also at the Iftar was Sarah Owen MP, who served as Vice Chair of the HOPE not Hate Parliamentary Group. The communist charity helped draft the Islamophobia law, while receiving taxpayer funding via the Home Office. Muslim militias mobilised during last summer’s riots, following Southport murders, after HOPE Not Hate head Nick Lowles and Labour MP Josh Fenton-Glynn spread a hoax about “Far Right” racists committing acid attacks against Muslim women. Despite this, Owen invited HOPE Not Hate to Parliament — posting a now-deleted tweet about the event.

Owen has made her next campaign criminalising possession of an image of a woman who usually wear a hijab, niqab, or burka without her veil on. In a speech in Parliament, Owen compared this “culturally intimate” image to possession of child sexual abuse material. Not only does this offensive comparison minimise the unconscionable abuses suffered by children in the production of such material: it also suspiciously followed the case of Farishta Jami, convicted of terrorism offences in February, whose KC successfully argued to have her mugshot retaken with her niqab on because being photographed without her veil “caused her some considerable distress”. The fact that Owen’s law would result successfully in Islamic terrorists obscuring their face from the public by wearing full veils in police mugshots is reason enough for it to not be passed. But the fact that these conversations are happening in Parliament in the first place shows just how captured Britain has become by Islamic interests.

This is the consequence of demographic momentum. 1 in 27 people currently in the UK arrived in the last two years, from majority non-European countries. The average age of Muslims in the UK is also much younger than the white British host majority: 46% of Bangladeshis and 44.8% of Pakistanis are under-24, compared to 26.6% of white Brits. Muhammad is now the most popular boys name for newborns in England. This demographic pressure becomes intergenerational democratic pressure. Muslims are a growing voting block in Britain, and are breaking from traditional parties for “independent” sectarian candidates.

Last July saw the election of four Muslim MPs who campaigned on Gaza alone. One, Iqbal Mohammed, defended first-cousin marriage in the Commons against Conservative MPs’ attempt to ban it, citing the imported cultural preferences of the Middle East and Africa as a reason to preserve the alien practice. Both Quran 4:23 and Quran 33:50 permit the marriage of first cousins — a convenient revelation by Allah to the prophet, who took his first cousin, Zaynab bint Jahsh, as his seventh of ten wives. We are only relitigating matters settled by Britain in the fifth century, by the first Archbishop of Canterbury, because politicians have imported a seventh century Arab morality.

Many Labour seats are threatened by these sectarian independent MPs; with Lancashire, Buckinghamshire, and Staffordshire council wards likely to flip in May’s local elections, and sitting Ministers like Streeting and Jess Phillips losing their seats at the next election. To combat the growth of an Islamist electoral client block, the government could crack down on the record 85 known Sharia courts, ban oppressive face coverings and barbaric halal slaughter, legislate against the Islamic finance practices subsidising illegal immigrant smuggling gangs, and pass all sorts of measures to make Britain an inhospitable place for Muslim sectarianism. Instead, MPs seek to pander to this illiberal faction who have an increasing hold on British institutions.

Last November, Muslim Labour MP for Birmingham’s Hall Green and Moseley, MP Tahir Ali asked Starmer to “commit to introducing measures to prohibit the desecration of all religious texts and the prophets of the Abrahamic religions.” He referred to a UN Human Rights Council resolution, which the UK voted against, condemning burning the Quran as an act of religious hatred. Now, while uncollected rubbish attracts “super rats” in his constituency, Ali is lobbying for Britain to help build an airport in Mirpur, Pakistan — the precise region where a majority of rape gang perpetrators originate from. Cosignatories of Ali’s letter include Yasmin Qureshi, who has consistently obfuscated the Pakistani heritage of the rape gangs, and is accused of lobbying on behalf of state-owned Pakistan International Airlines; Zara Sultana, who constantly characterises Israel’s acts of self-defence against Hamas as “a genocidal assault on Gaza”; and Naz Shah, who campaigned in Urdu at the general election, and once retweeted an Owen Jones parody account which said “Those abused girls in Rotherham and elsewhere just need to shut their mouths. For the good of diversity.” But those who accuse these MPs of focusing more on foreign affairs than their own constituents fail to understand that the inhabitants of Britain’s Muslim enclaves care more about the Ummah overseas than the wellbeing of Britain and her people.

This act of craven self-preservation, in pandering to Muslim interests, may explain why the government have quietly neutered the promised five local inquiries into the Pakistani rape gangs. After voting against a national inquiry, the government has quietly sacked the independent KC tasked with developing the framework for the inquiries, Tom Crowther; replacing him with “ministerial and advisor” oversight by the Home Office, who called the grooming gangs a “grievance narrative” invented by “right-wing extremists” last year. They have also cut the promised funding, putting it into a “competing fund” for local authorities to spend on endeavours other than an inquiry. The next opposition amendment to force a vote on a national inquiry is again unlikely to pass. It is down to the likes of now-independent MP Rupert Lowe to raise over £500,000 in crowdfunding for a private inquiry to deliver a modicum of justice for the girls sacrificed as victims for diversity and Labour’s electoral success.

There is no sign of this trend changing, though. As stated above, Labour have chosen to appease the beast they have fed, in the hope it eats them last. Thanks to their disastrous fourteen years in government, courageous Conservatives like Robert Jenrick are kept far from power. Foremost insurgent populist party Reform UK are seeking to sanitise their public image, and expelling local election candidates who criticise Islam under its Muslim Chairman, Zia Yusuf. Until politicians show sufficient courage, Islam will continue to replace Christianity as Britain’s state religion.