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Grooming Gang Denial is Dead

Baroness Casey’s damning audit has finally forced the Labour government to launch a national inquiry into the Pakistani Muslim grooming gangs

Baroness Louise Casey’s new National Audit on Group-Based Child Sexual Exploitation and Abuse has forced the Labour government to launch a national inquiry into the Pakistani rape gang scandal. In 2015, Casey produced the damning report on Rotherham, where witnesses said “you couldn’t bring up race issues in meetings… or you would be branded a racist”, and “If we mentioned Asian taxi drivers we were told we were racist and the young people were seen as prostitutes”. Little has changed. Despite data showing a disproportionate overrepresentation of Pakistani men among child predators, Casey writes that “we found many examples of organisations avoiding the topic altogether for fear of appearing racist, raising community tensions or causing community cohesion problems”. The cover-up was deliberate, for reasons of political correctness, and has continued for decades.

Home Secretary Yvette Cooper, flanked by the ashen faces of the Labour frontbench, announced the implementation of a number of Casey’s recommendations. Planned local inquiries will be supervised by a “time-limited” national commission with statutory powers. Girls convicted of “child prostitution” offences will have their convictions overturned and criminal records expunged (the term was only replaced with “child sexual exploitation” in legislation by the Serious Crime Act in 2015). The law will be changed to apply the charge of rape to adults who engage in penetrative sex with a child under the age of 16. A loophole allowing foreign taxi drivers to practice without a British license will be closed, aiming to disrupt the gangs’ trafficking network. Reporting of child sexual abuse suspects’ ethnicity will also be made mandatory.

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When Casey asked for data on child sexual exploitation from the Ministry of Justice, His Majesty’s Courts and Tribunal Service, and the Crown Prosecution Service, she was told “No data was available on numbers of child sexual exploitation or group-based child sexual exploitation cases in the criminal justice system.” She also discovered “There is no data published by children’s services about group-based child sexual exploitation.”:

“Despite reviews, reports and inquiries raising questions about men from Asian or Pakistani backgrounds grooming and sexually exploiting young White girls, the system has consistently failed to fully acknowledge this or collect accurate data so it can be examined effectively.”

Ethnicity is not recorded for two-thirds of perpetrators. 9 of the 51 local child-safeguarding reviews listed by Casey state “Asian” perpetrators as the majority. One lists white perpetrators, while the remaining 35 didn’t report ethnicity or nationality at all. Of the 35% of cases where ethnicity was recorded, 87% were white British. Neil O’Brien MP has suggested these omissions are deliberate, given the sex of the perpetrator is almost always recorded by police. Casey confirmed this on Sky News, saying she saw “the word Pakistani Tipp-exed out” in one child’s case file.

Ethnicity is not recorded for two-thirds of perpetrators. 9 of the 51 local child-safeguarding reviews listed by Casey state “Asian” perpetrators as the majority. One lists white perpetrators, while the remaining 35 didn’t report ethnicity or nationality at all. Of the 35% of cases where ethnicity was recorded, 87% were white British. Neil O’Brien MP has suggested these omissions are deliberate, given the sex of the perpetrator is almost always recorded by police. Casey confirmed this on Sky News, saying she saw “the word Pakistani Tipp-exed out” in one child’s case file.

Data compiled by Casey provides a clearer picture. Only 28% of perpetrators are white, with 66% not having their ethnicity recorded. But suspect data from police districts allows us to get a clearer picture. In Manchester, “Asians” make up 20.9% of the population, but 54% of child sexual offence suspects. In Rotherham, ethnic Pakistanis make up 4% of the population, but 64% of child sexual abuse and exploitation perpetrators.

Source: National Audit on Group-Based Child Sexual Exploitation and Abuse (16 June 2025), p. 85.

In West Yorkshire, 35% of suspects are “Asian” compared to 34% white. 24% of suspects did not have their ethnicity recorded, meaning Asians could be overrepresented by 2 to 4 times their share of the local population among child sexual exploitation offence suspects, and Pakistanis by 21 times their share of the national population. This corresponds with data reported by Courage Media, which found Pakistanis were 21.48% of all suspects, Asian suspects a possible 42.73%, and a fifth of all suspects had no ethnicity recorded in West Yorkshire. Fiona Goddard, a survivor and campaigner from Bradford, told the BBC that the “vast majority” of those who abused her “were Pakistani men”:

“I do not believe it was just a misunderstanding and not understanding the crime or the victims. I think that the crime was allowed to happen, one, because of the race of the perpetrators, and two, because of who the victims were.”

Casey also found “a significant proportion of these cases appear to involve suspects who are non-UK nationals and/or who are claiming asylum in the UK”. The government are now promising to legislate against allowing sex offenders to claim asylum — something which should never have happened in the first place, and wouldn’t, if Keir Starmer hadn’t written the textbook for lawyers on how to apply the Human Rights Act (1998) to frustrate deportation claims with appeals to the European Convention on Human Rights. This follows a number of high profile cases including chemical attacker Abdul Ezedi, who had been refused asylum twice by the Home Office after committing a sexual assault and exposure offence, before a judge overturned the ruling because Ezedi underwent a fake conversion to Christianity (He was given an Islamic funeral, after drowning himself in the Thames during a nationwide manhunt).

The government are now promising to legislate against allowing sex offenders to claim asylum — something which should never have happened in the first place, and wouldn’t, if Keir Starmer hadn’t written the textbook for lawyers on how to apply the Human Rights Act (1998) to frustrate deportation claims with appeals to the European Convention on Human Rights.

It should not shock us that foreign rapists have exploited Britain’s permissive asylum system, enticed to cross the English Channel by adverts depicting British women as the spoils of conquest, and are now participating in the rape gangs. Last week, over 1,500 illegal immigrants were recorded crossing in small boats.

Contractor SERCO is offering private landlords five-year guaranteed contracts, covering all rent, bills, and tax, to house illegal migrants and asylum seekers. The National Audit Office estimates asylum costs will be triple those projected by the previous Conservative government, at £15.3 billion and rising. As former Greater Manchester Police detective Maggie Oliver has stated, “increased levels of illegal immigration and young men with different value systems who are coming to the country” will make the problem worse.

Casey dedicates an entire chapter in her report to rape gang “Denial”. She condemns members of the media and Parliament who use crimes committed by white British pedophiles to obfuscate the scale and nature of the Pakistani rape gangs:

“The system claims there is an overwhelming problem with White perpetrators when that can’t be proved. This does no one any favours at all, and least of all those in the Asian, Pakistani or Muslim communities who needlessly suffer as those with malicious intent use this obfuscation to sow and spread hatred.”

It is notable that the BBC, reporting on Casey’s audit, took hours to stealth-edit the word “Pakistani” into their article.

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This “system” presumably include Leader of the House of Commons, Labour MP Lucy Powell dismissing a question about the rape gang scandal as “blow[ing] a little trumpet” and a “dog whistle”; Foreign Secretary David Lammy, who accused the then-Home Secretary, Sajid Javid of “pander[ing] to the far-right” and “bring[ing] a great office of state into disrepute” for celebrating the sentencing of 20 rape gang perpetrators; Health Secretary Wes Streeting, who said “irresponsible and coarse public discourse” about the ethnicity and religion of the rape gangs would cause another mosque shooting, as occurred in Christchurch, New Zealand; and Keir Starmer himself, who called those demanding a national inquiry “jumping on the bandwagon of the far-Right”.

Casey certainly means Home Office minister Jess Phillips. When Phillips could no longer make the biggest child abuse scandal in British history about herself, and how mean Elon Musk was being to her on X, she tried to quietly abandon the promised five local inquiries. Phillips voted against a national inquiry, but now insists she was the real hero all along. “Absolutely not me, I have never turned a blind eye”, Phillips told BBC Newsnight, after defending Starmer’s “far right bandwagon” speech on LBC earlier that day. It’s hard for Phillips to maintain her halo, when Casey cited Phillips’ refusal to help Oldham council conduct an independent inquiry into the rape gangs as the moment she became “duly unimpressed” with the government’s response, and made her feel a national inquiry is necessary. Marlon West, father of Greater Manchester grooming gang survivor Scarlett, said today at Kemi Badenoch’s press conference that a meeting with Phillips left him feeling like he “had the door slammed in my face … I do not trust them.”

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What about Labour MP for Telford, Shaun Davies, who complained in Parliament that former Home Secretary, Amber Rudd and former Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak “refused to provide a statutory inquiry” into rape gangs in Telford? While leader of Telford and Wrekin Council, in 2016, Davies signed a letter telling Rudd that “we do not feel at this time that a further inquiry is necessary”. Or Labour MP for Bradford West, Naz Shah, who insisted Muslims are “deeply concerned about grooming gangs” and “stand on the side of the victims” whereas “those that display selective outrage or fan the flames to blame entire communities do nothing to protect the victims”? In 2017, Shah liked and retweeted an Owen Jones parody account, which said “Those abused girls in Rotherham and elsewhere just need to shut their mouths. For the good of diversity.”

Presumably, the Home Secretary missed this part of Casey’s report, because she told the Commons yesterday that “all ethnicities and communities are involved in appalling child abuse crimes” and the “vast majority of our British Asian and Pakistani heritage communities continue to be appalled by these terrible crimes, and agree that the criminal minority of sick predators and perpetrators in every community must be dealt with robustly by the criminal law”. But where are the protests against the abuse committed in their name? Many had no trouble turning out in the streets to march for Palestine since October 7th. This is another politically correct fiction, repeated by Cooper to protect the reputation of Pakistani enclaves in Britain.

Bell Ribeiro-Addy did the same during today’s Home Affairs Select Committee hearing. “A lot of the time these issues are about closed patriarchal groups of men, which, you point out, exist in all races and all ethnicities”, she said. “They even exist in this House. They’re the scourge of the earth, if you want to call them that.” In trying to deflect from the ethnic and religious composition of the Pakistani Muslim rape gangs, Ribeiro-Addy compared her fellow MPs to the rapists. She expressed more concern about how “the issue of race … has really been quite loud” and how concerns about mass legal and illegal migration are “synonymous” with racism, than about the rape gangs themselves.

Even in Casey’s courageous work, that too much emphasis is still being placed on how:

“flawed data is used repeatedly to dismiss claims about ‘Asian grooming gangs’ as sensationalised, biased or untrue … does a disservice to victims and indeed all law-abiding people in Asian communities and plays into the hands of those who want to exploit it to sow division.”

During today’s hearing, Casey condemned the lack of data gathering as “a different level of public irresponsibility” considering “the prejudice and racism that people of colour experience in this country”. Casey insists that, despite the clear pattern of offenders, “We cannot and should not draw any conclusions from individual nationalities or cultures alone.” But why not? Were it the other way around, there would be a national reckoning over white British men raping, torturing, and murdering Muslim girls.

Casey insists that, despite the clear pattern of offenders, “We cannot and should not draw any conclusions from individual nationalities or cultures alone.” But why not? Were it the other way around, there would be a national reckoning over white British men raping, torturing, and murdering Muslim girls.

It is not the fault of a phantom far-right that the British public have an increasingly negative opinion of the Pakistani enclaves in their country. It is the fault of the Pakistani men who rape British children; and of the Pakistani women who blame victims, attack survivors, and cover for their husbands’, cousins’, fathers’, brothers’, and sons’ crimes to avoid “siding with the white ‘enemy’”.

Rupert Lowe’s independent inquiry will still go ahead. Lowe refuses to be deterred from exploring anti-white racism and Islam as factors motivating the rape gangs by being called racist. All evidence will be made publicly available, to subject the government’s inquiry to scrutiny. Casey’s audit has shattered some powerful taboos, but Parliament is still trying to avoid telling the truth about the rape gangs.

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