Commentary

How a Spanish Town Became Europe’s Proxy War

Immigration, Identity, and Survival

Spain was shaped by conquest. Roman legions laid down roads and aqueducts. Visigoth kings carved out feudal realms. Christian monarchs bound the kingdoms through marriage and war. Each era left its mark – from imperial stonework to soaring Gothic spires – forging a nation from the remnants of those who came before. From the Reconquista – when Castile, Aragon, and other Christian kingdoms pushed south against Muslim rule from the 8th to the 15th century – to Ferdinand and Isabella’s final victory at Granada in 1492 and the expulsion of the Moors that same year, Spain’s history rests on one core belief: a nation must not only define itself, but defend that definition.

Last month in Torre-Pacheco – a small town in Spain’s Murcia region in the southeast – that conviction was met with extreme violence when foreign attackers beat a 68-year-old Spaniard. Residents flooded the streets and clashed with police as one brutal assault ignited a wider battle over immigration, identity, and Europe’s future.

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The shockwaves reached nearby Jumilla, where the trigger wasn’t street crime but growing unease over public spaces being used for large-scale religious gatherings. For months, the town’s main pavilion had been hosting weekly services that drew hundreds, spilling worshippers into surrounding streets and straining parking, noise control, and security. As complaints piled up from residents and local businesses, town leaders chose not to wait for their own flashpoint but moved first, issuing a blanket ban on all such gatherings in municipal sports facilities, shutting the doors on what had quietly become one of the largest regular assemblies in the region. The backlash was immediate with government ministers howling “racism” as though the Inquisition had just been revived.

Racism once meant the machinery of real oppression — laws, policies, and practices aimed directly at people for the color of their skin. Now, it’s been stretched to cover anything that puts the preferences of the native population ahead of the comfort of newcomers. A zoning decision? Racist. A hiring standard? Racist. A public holiday that isn’t multicultural enough? Racist.

That shift in meaning is more tactic than mistake: control the language and you control the fight; reshape the words until they serve your side, then force your opponents to speak in terms you’ve chosen. The Greeks mastered it in the Agora, the Romans codified it in law, Lenin called it agitation, and Orwell called it Newspeak. Once the label sticks, the debate ends. Nobody wants it pinned to them, so they retreat, surrendering ground that should have been non-negotiable. What follows is less about persuasion and more about restricting the boundaries of permissible thought and speech.

The Greeks mastered it in the Agora, the Romans codified it in law, Lenin called it agitation, and Orwell called it Newspeak.

All across Europe, the signs are painfully clear. Politicians praise “diversity” from behind gates and armed guards, far from the housing estates and market squares where the reality plays out. They speak of tolerance while living in postcodes untouched by the very policies they promote. The only “diversity” in their daily lives is on catering staff. In Paris, they host banquets while Seine-Saint-Denis burns. In Stockholm, they light candles for “inclusion” before returning to districts where not a single migrant family has moved. In Berlin, they champion open borders, but send their children to schools where the only foreign accent is of the French teacher.

They sit on well-funded panels discussing multicultural harmony in five-star hotels, nodding along to speeches written by advisers who also don’t live anywhere near a migrant reception center. These panels have pretentious titles — “Unity in Diversity”, “Bridging Cultures”, “The Future of Diversity, Equity & Inclusion” — and are stocked with career diplomats, NGO executives, and corporate climbers flown in from London, Brussels, and Geneva. One might ask, when was the last time they queued in understaffed clinics beside recent arrivals, stepped over junkies sprawled on the street, or walked home past police tape after a stabbing. They live in enclaves where every voice speaks the same language, every neighbor shares the same customs, and the church bells — if they still ring — chime for the same faith. They don’t have to face the fraying of community bonds, squeeze on housing, and tensions that erupt when incompatible values are forced into the same space. And when working-class Europeans who actually live with these changes point out the contradictions, the answer comes quick, canned, and crafted to kill the conversation: “racist”.

Here is the hypocrisy. Jumilla’s decision was clear: all religious gatherings in municipal sports facilities were banned, with every denomination – Christian, Jewish, Muslim — treated exactly the same. Yet the outrage rolled in, fixating solely on Islam and casting the policy as calculated persecution, while Spain’s Christian, predominantly Catholic, majority was expected to swallow the same restrictions quietly.

Medieval Muslim rule in Iberia does not create a perpetual debt to Islam, no more than Ottoman rule entitles Turkey’s Christians to reclaim Hagia Sophia, or Arab conquest obliges Egypt to restore Coptic primacy.

This is the new European reality, one in which the West bends over backward to grant freedoms that Islamic nations never reciprocate. In Saudi Arabia, home to over one million Christians, there isn’t a single church, public Mass is banned, Christmas cannot be celebrated openly, and worship must be hidden behind closed doors. In Qatar, Christians are forbidden from speaking about their faith to Muslims, as doing so risks arrest or deportation. In Iran, churches are monitored, services in Farsi are outlawed, and converts risk prison. Yet Spain, with its civic access and legal protections, is somehow still accused of stinginess. Meanwhile, the nation’s Christian foundation is treated like contraband, discussed in hushed tones as if faith itself were a crime. This is the creed that lit the Golden Age and gave moral force to an empire that spanned oceans but is buried today beneath the petitions of those who arrived yesterday. Medieval Muslim rule in Iberia does not create a perpetual debt to Islam, no more than Ottoman rule entitles Turkey’s Christians to reclaim Hagia Sophia, or Arab conquest obliges Egypt to restore Coptic primacy. Saudi Arabia does not open Mecca to Christian worship. Qatar does not alter Ramadan to suit foreign tastes. Iran does not clear its streets for Easter processions. Only in Europe is the majority faith told to bow in its own sanctuary.

Jumilla’s policy could inspire others to follow. If one town can draw a clear boundary and hold it, others might do so too, give up their reflexive guilt, stop swallowing loaded language, and refuse endless one-way compromises.

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